CALL FOR RESEARCH - September 16 2000 -version 11/02/00
TITLE: Global
Manufacturing and Taylorism Practices of Nike Corporation and its
Subcontractors
A
proposal to coordinate joint university researcher study groups,
sponsored by
International Academy of Business Disciplines,
and
to be submitted to Nike Corporation,
The
Association for Accountancy and Business Affairs,
Academy of
Management, Administrative Sciences Association of Canada,
International
Association for Business,
Society for
Business Ethics, and
the American Accounting Association,
French
association "De l'Ethique sur l'Etiquette,"
German
Industrial Relations Association (GIRA),
International
Industrial Relations Association (IIRA),
Pacific
Sociological Association
NOTE: This proposal is the sole work
of the author (with 42 study group members' input) and is not endorsed
by any journal, association, university, or any other
institution.
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Contact Person:
David M. Boje, Ph.D.
Professor of Management
Editor, Journal of
Organizational Change Management and
Tamara, Journal of
Critical Postmodern Organization Science
Department of Management, MSC 3DJ
New Mexico State University
P.O. Box 30001/Las Cruces, NM 88003-8001
Phone (505) 646-2391 Work
Phone (505) 532-1693 Home Office
Fax (505) 646-1372
Email: dboje@nmsu.edu
Home Pages http://business.nmsu.edu/~dboje
The purpose of this research proposal to bring basic and rigorous academic research and theory, as well as academic dialogue, to bear on two problems:
(1) How to move from forms of "extreme" Taylorism to what we will call French Taylorism in a series of experiments in wage systems and working conditions? French Taylorism is the evolution of scientific management in augmenting productivity by introducing multi-skilling of workers, negotiation between employer and employees, and stressing the importance of fair work rates and fair piece rate compensation. In the words of Frederick Taylor, "the prosperity for the employee [is] coupled with prosperity for the employer" (1911: 72).
(2) How to reliably and validly monitor transnational corporate behavior in the apparel industry (with or without government)? We are interested in developing appropriate scientific methods in measuring and observing the conduct of corporate and government labor practices.
We are not requesting monies from Nike Corporation for this research. Forty-five academic scholars are agreeing to work with five designated country experts to conduct the most rigorous research yet attempted on four basic research questions. In the first three questions we are proposing to do "action research" experiments with alternative wage systems, working conditions, and efficiency approaches. Action research is a collaborative effort involving multiple stakeholders in developing research findings with the goal of creating positive change. The four research questions are:
How has Nike enacted its espoused Code of Conduct over time? This study group will focus on monitoring studies by PWC, FLA, and Global Alliance, as well as studies that support and question their methods and findings.
Does Nike pay a living wage? This study group will sample subcontract factory workers, review factory payroll records, and collect data that will measure and validate various living wage formula. In addition we are proposing action research experiments that would implement and test various wage-payment schemes in a sample of factories across nations identified in Table Two.
Does Nike subcontract with "sweatshops"? This study group will look at definitions of sweatshops and measure said variables in a sample of subcontract factories. In addition, they will propose and conduct action research experiments that test what we described in our review as forms of French Taylorism. This way a sample of existing subcontract firms can be compared with the experimental options.
What is the relationship between Fair Labor Association (FLA) and Workers Rights Consortium (WRC)? This study group will focus on the monitoring efforts of FLA and WRC by sampling colleges and universities with and without FLA and/or WRC agreements.
The purpose of the research is to develop interdisciplinary work and dialogue that will address a set of research questions that is of growing concern to academics, the general public, and the Nike Corporation. Basic research while important is not sufficient. We propose to embark upon action research initiative that brings various stakeholders (researchers, workers, corporate executives, managers, subcontractor mangers, governmental and non-governmental organizations) together to implement change.
Thank you,
David M. Boje, Ph.D.
i.
Preface
While we seek approval from Nike to enter factories and interview
workers and managers and conduct action research experiments, we
maintain our independence as university researchers. We are not
making a request for monies to support this research; we will make
such requests from our universities and foundations for expenses of
study subgroup members to meet to work out the details of our
methodology and design, travel to locations needed to conduct their
research and to reproduce and present our reports. In polling study
group members (listed below) about Nike funding, the majority felt
that it would discredit the project in the eyes of the academic
community. At the same time, you will agree that as one study group
member put it "True integrity is not for sale." We are
non-profit and our aim is to conduct the most valid and reliable
research ever done it this area. While we propose to involve various
associations and will seek financial support from universities and
foundations, we are an independent effort. One association has
agreed to provide limited financial support. Several members have
already been successful in obtaining travel support. Other
associations are giving consideration to other forms of support and
advice as permitted by their policies and vision (See
Appendix C). For example, on 7 Oct 2000 I received this
message:
Dear David,
Yesterday I had the opportunity to talk to my colleagues on the board of the German Industrial Relations Association (GIRA). I also talked to the President of the International Industrial Relations Association (IIRA), Professor Manfred Weiss, University of Frankfurt. The proposal to research sweatshop practices at Nike has the full support of both associations. I hope this is helpful.
Best wishes, Joerg Sydow
We have also have times and places to meet in April and August, provided by two associations. This will allow us to work out details of exactly which factories and universities we survey quantitatively, and study using more ethnographic methods. Exact details will be worked out in response to Nike's feedback on the proposal.
The proposal will be submitted to Nike Corporation for comments on October 14th, and then on October 21st to the governing boards of each of the associations for any of their comments and to decide what types of travel, meeting space, symposia, and other support (if any) they elect to extend (See Appendix C). Please also see Appendix E for individual letters of support we have received (e.g. Abbass Alkhafaji, Executive Director of International Academy of Business Disciplines; Andrew Van de Ven, President of the Academy of Management; and Joerg Sydow, member of the Board of the German Industrial Relations Association).
On Friday afternoon, September 15th, 2000, I (David Boje) received a phone call at my home from Amanda Tucker, of Nike Corporation, who then agreed to look at what university researchers (and various academies) might submit as a coordinated Nike Research Proposal, and consider whether this is something they would like to be a part of, based on the criteria spelled out in the email below:
From: "Tucker, Amanda" Nike Corporation
To: "'David Boje'" New Mexico State University"Hi David, Good to talk with you today regarding your request to visit Nike factories... Nike has had numerous academics in our contract-factories to do academic research, some of whom participated in both the IABS [International Association of Business & Society] and Toronto sessions [Academy of Management Annual Meetings]. We ask that research proposals are sent to us so that we can evaluate them on the basis of objectivity, past academic work on the subject, and methodological design.
I am interested in working with the Academy of Management to follow-up on our session if that is of interest to the Academy. The group approach you mentioned is of interest to me because it might be the best way of balancing differing perspectives. We also have to look at the volume of case studies being carried out on Nike's Corporate Responsibility work. I think that even as I write this there are at least 5 universities/research groups studying or Corporate Responsibility work, including the International Labor Organization itself. We have to balance all of these requests both in terms of time and geographically, not only so that we don't overload particular factories but also so that our people can do their key jobs, which is overseeing compliance in our contact-manufacturers" (Amanda Tucker, Fri, 15 Sep 2000 16:34:49 -0700, additions in [ ] mine).
How this proposal began? The agreement for Nike to look at a coordinated university researchers' proposal began with an All Academy Showcase session on "Nike and Time" the Academy of Management Toronto Meetings, August, 2000 (See Appendix D for participants). At that Time Amanda Tucker and I discussed the research possibility outlined above. There is precedent for this proposal. Phil Knight, the CEO of Nike Corporation in a series of bold moves, invited university research of "global manufacturing and responsible business practices such as independent monitoring and health issues" in item number 6 of his speech in 1998:
"6. We will fund university research in open forums to explore issues related to global manufacturing and responsible business practices such as independent monitoring and health issues. We will begin by funding four programs in United States universities in the 1998-99 academic year, and we'll have our first public forum in October of this year in Hong Kong" (Phil Knight's speech to the National Press Club on May 12th, 1998).
I (David Boje) am therefore contacting you to help me draft this proposal to Nike Corporation. Again, we are not asking for money, we are only asking for access to a sample of subcontractor factories. If you would like to comment on the proposal, join the study group or suggest relevant academic research for this project, please contact me dboje@nmsu.edu
How this proposal resolves one of Nike's Problems: I would like to propose a joint task force between members of various academies, including, but not limited to International Academy of Business Disciplines, The Association for Accountancy and Business Affairs, Academy of Management, Administrative Sciences Association of Canada, International Association for Business and Society, Society for Business Ethics, and the American Accounting Association. Our aim is to encourage submissions by the study group to sessions at their respective annual meetings (subject to the criteria of their normal review processes). At this time one association, the International Academy of Business Disciplines is deciding what to contribute to the costs of the proposal and would like to co-sponsor the study. Other associations are talking about the proposal to their boards or have at least indicated they encourage the scholarship and invite submissions. In this way International Academy of Business Disciplines (and other sources as they become available) can fund academic study efforts and encourage wider participation and dissemination of finding to several other academic associations.
iii Purpose - The purpose of the research is to develop interdisciplinary work and dialogue that will address a set of research questions that is of growing concern to academics, the general public, and the Nike Corporation. Basic research while important is not sufficient. We propose to embark upon action research initiative that brings various stakeholders (researchers, workers, corporate executives, managers, subcontractor mangers, governmental and non-governmental organizations) together to implement change. There has been a good deal of consulting (i.e. Global Alliance, Fair Labor Association, and Price Waterhouse Coopers) and non-governmental organization (NGO) report and media writing, but limited academic empirical study (See Appendix B). The issue is to rethink labor and environmental monitoring practices, within a larger context that compels a reframing of the institutions and ethics of development and globalization. Our purpose can be summarized: to promote dialogue that leads to basic, applied, participatory, as well as action research efforts that lead to change.
I hope for a truly postmodern approach to collaborative research and change with many voices coming from many different sources, swirling around each trying to make a difference. In some ways, this effort looks a lot like Nike itself--hard to summarize, quick, shifting, unpredictable, Tamara-ish. We have a process to get the proposal to its next stage of readiness. That is we have been co-sponsored at the Academy of Management meetings in Washington D.C. by the History, Research Methods (RMD) , and Organization Development and Change (ODC) Divisions for four 90 minute workshops (one per study group listed below). At these workshops we are inviting stakeholders mentioned in the project and Academy members to meet work with us to develop the proposal. ODC will act as facilitators. Then we would like to head for the field and collect the necessary data. But we do not stop there; we intend to follow through to see what positive changes can be made in monitoring, working conditions, and implement study group recommendations. In short, we seek an action research project the facilitates that starts and ends with participatory dialogue.
To begin the dialogue, I am putting down some ideas about objectivity, the subject of the research, and methods. I also propose that the results of the studies be submitted for review to the respective journals of our Academies as well as journals that have already shown interest. Please send your ideas on the proposal to dboje@nmsu.edu so they can be integrated into the proposal before it is sent to Nike and the various academic associations we will submit the proposal to for feedback.
We seek to promote dialogue and experimentation that leads to basic, applied, participatory, as well as action research efforts that lead to change.
MAIN PROPOSAL SECTIONS
With the rise in global subcontracting in the apparel industry, governments and perhaps the global enterprise itself is finding it difficult to control and monitor the actions of apparel subcontractors operating in multiple countries. The global enterprises in the apparel industry subcontract with hundreds of factories in over thirty nations. When the public spotlight or a corporate sponsored monitoring agent (i.e. auditor, consulting firm, corporate personnel) points out problems in one of thousands of such factories, the subcontract is canceled or the problems gets cleaned up by corporate and subcontractor on on occasion government intervention. However, this does not prevent a subcontractor from continuing business as usual in unknown locations or opening new locations where problem practices continue until the next monitoring study or media expose. The purpose of this research proposal to bring basic and rigorous academic research and theory and academic dialogue to bear on two problems:
(1) How to move from forms of "extreme" Taylorism to what we will call French Taylorism in a series of experiments in wage systems and working conditions.
(2) How to reliably and validly monitor transnational corporate behavior in the apparel industry (with or without government)?
The starting assumption is that it is time to bring together an international group of scholars who have relevant and established expertise to conduct basic research and develop action research experiments that yield positive and measurable results. Next we elaborate on the two basic questions.
II. FROM FEUDAL FACTORIES TO FRENCH TAYLORIST ONES
Introduction We will now review why we believe scientific experimentation with pattern of work organization, working conditions, and wage schemes is to Nike's advantage. Specifically we propose to work with a sample of factories (the size and location will be determined with Nike and stakeholder input). The result we anticipate is to be able to contrast different forms of pay-systems and work design and working conditions. The implementation will be according to action research methods. That is, an effort that involves workers, managers, and other stakeholders, including the study groups we list below in the design of the experiments we are proposing.
Literature Review Karl Marx (1867), Adam Smith (1776), and Frederick Taylor (1911) agreed that there are organizational alternatives to sweatshops that yield more productivity, profit, and net workers higher wages. “The name, sweatshop, goes back to the late 1800s, and refers to the technique of "sweating" as much profit as possible out of each worker. Once a thriving tradition at the turn of the century, sweatshops saw their numbers dwindle in the face of relentless encroachment by labor organization and social legislation. By the post-war years they were pushed to the brink of extinction. But with the new arrangements made possible by the global economy -- highly mobile transnational capital, computer-coordinated production schedules, and free trade policies” (Sweat Gear web site). Apparel manufacture too often equates to sweatshop work that is based on modes of production and piece-wages that appears feudal in contrast to the kinds of factories that are recently attaining ISO9000, ISO14000, and SA8000 certification.
What about the influence of wage rates? Smith (1976) in the Wealth of Nations, saw the choice about paying each worker a "living wage" was clear, economic and moral:
A man must always live by his work, and his wages must at least be sufficient to maintain him. They must even upon most occasions be somewhat more; otherwise it would be impossible for him to bring up a family, and the race of such workmen could not last beyond the first generation (Smith, 1776, CHAPTER VIII Of the Wages of Labor).
Adam Smith did not favor sweatshops. Adam Smith, among others, contended that interests of self-centered interests of merchants and manufacturers ran counter to the general welfare of society. Smith advocated local accountability, moral reasoning, and a limit to bigness of business. Smith did favor the landowners over the merchants and manufacturers.
The proprietor of land is necessarily a citizen of the
particular country in which his estate lies.
The proprietor of stock is properly a citizen of the world, and
is not necessarily attached to any particular country (WN, 2: 848).
What was revolutionary about Taylor's scientific management, was the observation that rest and refreshment are necessary to quality and sustained work. Any profit gained by overwork and snatching time for mealtimes and rest breaks and from paying the least possible bare subsistence wage and over-work in unhealthy and unpleasant situations was meager compared to the output of the high productivity enterprise. In short, both Taylor and Marx held out solutions to sweatshops' "slow sacrifice of humanity" (Marx, 1867: 244).
For Marx, piece-wage was a special form of time-wage. "In time-wages the labor is measured by its immediate duration, in piece-wages by the quantity of products in which the labor has embodied itself during a given time" (1867: 553). And piece-wages, from his point of view, afforded the "source of reductions of wages and capitalistic cheating" of workers (p. 553). That is, with piece-wages, the incentive is for the capitalist to parasitically "sub-let" labor by using the services of middlemen (subcontractors). "In England this system is characteristically called the "Sweating system."
On the one hand piece-wage allows the capitalist to make a contract for so much per piece with the head laborer--in manufactures with the chief of some group, in mines with the extract of the coal, in the factory with the actual machine-worker--at a price for which the head laborer himself undertakes the enlisting and payment of his assistant workpeople (p. 554).
To Marx, it is in the personal interest of the subcontractor using piece-wage systems to "strain his labor-power as intensely as possible" by lengthening the working-day. And this is exactly what we have witnessed in apparel manufacture: without the external control of government or the global enterprise's policies and codes, subcontractors use piece-wage and extend the working day, as well as the number of days worked each month. In Marx's day, the "Children's Employment Commission: and other agencies intervened to change working and employment practices.
Piece-wage is the main pay system in today's apparel subcontract factory. Marx hypothesized that piece-wage is paid such that it becomes the average wage, thereby negating any incentive for independence, self-control, or liberty. "Piece-work has, therefore, a tendency, while raising the individual wages above the average, to lower this average itself" for the workforce. In practice, the quotas in the apparel industry are adjusted to keep the piece-wage to a bare minimum and working conditions such as rest periods and subcontractors avoid training in more efficient production methods, unless external controls are enforced. The assumption of the subcontractor is that since the alternative to work is starvation or more rigorous demands of agriculture, those workers have ample incentive to produce. This is defined here, as feudalistic sweatshop practice. We would like to conduct research that would implement and test experiments in alternative pay schemes.
For example, going back to Taylor (1911), his innovation in pay schemes was to introduce the idea of differential piece-rate systems. In his series of experiments he demonstrated that workers when performing a carefully calibrated and planned task, would increase their effort when wages increased by 60 per cent (p. 74). In short, raising quotas and extending the working day, were found to be less productive alternatives than ensuring "prosperity for the employee, coupled with prosperity for the employer" the key to his compensation philosophy.
For Taylor, the solution to feudalistic sweatshop factories was to convince employee and employer, that through scientific experimentation, work conditions and work processes could be redesigned so that workers toiled few hours, with more rest breaks, and at higher pay, while the firm enjoyed the fruits of sharp increases in production. It is our proposal to test Taylor's option in the apparel industry. That is to move from what is called "extreme Taylorism" managing work processes with central control and high division of labor, to what Taylor had originally described, a system of work which is productive for employers and prosperous for employees.
Taylor (1911: 14-18) argued that it is possible to have prosperity for both owners and workers and the diminution of poverty and the alleviation of human suffering. We believe this is an attainable objective for the Nike corporation, its subcontractors, and global workforce. Taylor concludes, "the writer has great sympathy with those who are over-worked, but on the whole a greater sympathy for those who are under paid" (p. 18). This is the gist of our attempt to prove that living wage payment and healthy working conditions combined with scientific work processes makes economic sense.
The Experiment In short, we hypothesize that the modern scientifically managed subcontract factory will dramatically out-produce and out-pay the feudal sweatshop. We seek permission to run this experiment. Taylor (1911: 92-96, 136-143) hypothesized that better working conditions including shorter hours (from 12 to 8.5 hours), rest periods four times a day, paid days off each month for "girls" (his term), and rigorous scientific work procedures would lead to both higher factory output and higher wage levels and therefore to more harmonious relations between employer and employees. Taylor also included "the consumers, who buy the product" of employer and employees "and who ultimately pay both the wages of the workmen and the profits of the employers" (p. 136). This described the global subcontracting production and distribution network of Nike Corporation. Taylor was able to convince sweatshop owners and their subcontractors that this hypothesis had scientific validity. We believe that by turning from consultant and monitor reporting to scientific study (quantitative and qualitative) and to action research experimentation, that we can convince subcontract factory owners and managers, that sweatshops are not as profitable as the modern firm.
The world at the turn of the century embarked upon experiments that proved in one industry after another that feudal sweatshop production was not as efficient or humane as scientific management. We can do the same in this century.
Scientific management, on the contrary, has for its very foundation the firm conviction that the true interest of the two [employer and employee] are one and the same; that prosperity for the employer cannot exist through a long term of years unless it is accompanied by prosperity for the employee, and vice versa' and that it is possible to give the workman what he most wants -- high wages -- and the employer what he wants -- a low labor cost -- for his manufactures (1911: 10).
The reason it is a lower labor cost, even with higher piece-wage payments is because the factory applying scientific management (now a days, TQM, ISO9000 and ISO14000) with the kinds of working conditions spelled out in SA8000 (living wages, safe and healthy work environments) -- is assumed to yield higher output than is true for the feudalist factory. Nike in 1998 announced plans to move toward ISO14000 certification. We would like to measure the results and extend the experiments to other factory locations.
Further, we seek permission to work with select factories to implement alternative piece-wage systems. Taylor, for example, recommended that once scientific work procedures were implemented, such that production rose, the workers would be paid 60% to as much as "double wages" during the scientific experiments, and that such wages would remain this high after the implementation (pp. 54, 72, 74).
We would also like to work with factories that do and do not have active labor unions. Where Marx and Taylor disagreed was over the role of labor unions. For Taylor (sounding much like Nike executives) unions are "labor agitators" who are "misinformed and misguided... sentimentalists" that appear "ignorant of actual working conditions" (p. 18). However, for Marx, the trade union movement and worker democracy was essential for insuring that factories did not back slide into feudalistic sweatshops. As Marx put it, "I demand therefore a working-day of normal length, and I demand it without any appeal to your heart, for in money matters sentiment is out of place (p. 234). Marx details the wage cheating, ways of stretching the day of forcing people to clock in early, work overtime off the clock, and strange pay deductions. Marx describes the same complaints in 1865 that we hear today, how time is "snatched from the workers by encroaching upon the times professedly allowed for rest and refreshment" (p. 241). The point is apparently subcontract factory management holds to the out-dated feudalistic belief that such practices are in the long run more profitable than what Taylor proposed and what Marx demanded. In short, we want to test working conditions and wage situations in both settings.
Post-Taylorism - In the long run, the question for Nike and its subcontractors, is how to move beyond the current pattern of factory production. A fruitful direction is to engage in what we will term "French Taylorism" experiments.
French Taylorism - Defined - In a special edition of Journal of Organizational Change Management, Dominique Besson and Slimane Haddadj (2000) review post-Taylor approaches. Different countries throughout the world including Asia and Europe have implemented Taylorism quite differently. We hypothesize the implementation in apparel factories in Southeast Asia is the reverse to the Taylorian philosophy itself, and even a return to the feudalistic factory conditions and piece-wage compensation schemes of the 1800s. By contrast, French Taylorists implemented what Besson (2000) describes a more postmodern approach. It is more accurately "critical postmodern." On the one hand, it is an approach with strong links to Braverman's (1976) Labor and Monopoly Capital project and Marx's (1867) critique of sweatshops and piece-wages. On the other hand, the postmodernists see a drift between what Taylorism was in Taylor's day, and what it is now, in France (and elsewhere). Instead of taking an anti-Taylorism approach, Besson (2000) argues that the post-war configurations of Taylorism in France have not adopted the deskilling system that Braverman points out. But are French workers more "empowered" compared to Asian workers? French workers are not disempowered from their knowledge and know-how (Besson, 2000: 425). At the same time, French Taylorism achieved high increases in productivity and efficiency in "an informal kind of postmodern administration" (p. 426). First, instead of implementing flexible work rules, the French prefer to keep those rules more rigid, in order to give employees confidence in the work design. The French adjusted rigid Taylor principles to allow for continuous improvements in work designs and such postmodern notions as "work autonomy spaces" (p. 434). Second, the wage contract is considered an essential way in which workers negotiate with management in order to adjust work conditions, skill levels, wages, and the authority system. In this way workers in French Taylorism have a way to invoke resistance as well as ongoing-negotiation, as part of the work organization. This is not a totalizing consensus seeking strategy; it is one where parties know what side of the bargaining table they sit on. Third, instead of management total control over the system of work, employees can avoid such productive despotism by co-control over work processes. Multi-skilling, for example, is seen as a way to enhance worker's negotiating position. Fourth, Taylorism, in its French manifestation, is part of a plurality of perspectives. Management and worker, as well as customer and supplier have voice in the postmodern version. "There existed, and there still exists today, a coded social dialog between workers, union officials, organizers and the hierarchical management" (p. 434). Fifth, the French variation of Taylorism is based on a conflict-engagement approach in which employers and employees actively consider social power and diversity and the dangers of hegemony. Sixth, my own observations of French Taylorism is that working conditions, including good food, rest breaks, and those long French vacations make quite a difference.
Could Taylorism in France be assimilated into the Asian subcontract apparel system? It is a question that merits scientific study. Our proposed experiment stands as alternative to increased levels of governmental regulation of industry working conditions. French Taylorism is a mid range solution between trade unionism and feudalistic sweatshops. It is an improvement over classical Taylorism, that allows piece-wage systems to be modified in ways that increase productivity and worker wage levels, while affording workers avenues of resistance to totalizing systems of control.
Our proposal to the Nike Corporation and its subcontractors is to experiment and scientifically compare alternative work design, work conditions, and wage-incentive schemes. It represents a step forward in establishing stakeholder dialogue and getting beyond expose research projects, or naïve consulting reports, that do not detail methodology nor go beyond the report to actually implement meaningful change. Why not try French Taylorization as a possible improvement over "extreme" forms of Taylorization now in use in the apparel industry in third world nations?
References for this Section
Besson, Dominique (2000) "France in the 1950s: Taylorian modernity brought about by postmodern organizers?" Journal of Organizational Change Management. Vol. 13: (5): 423-438.
Besson, Dominique & Haddadj, Slimane (2000) Towards a post-Taylorian approach to Taylorism. Special guest issue of Journal of Organizational Change Management. Vol. 13: (5).
Marx, Karl (1867) Capital: A Critique of Political Economy. Volume I The Process of Capitalist Production. Translated from the Third German Edition by Samuel Moore and Edward Aveling, Edited by Frederick Engels. NY: L.W. Schmidt; 1967 edition, NY: International Publishers.
Taylor, Frederick Winslow (1911) The Principles of Scientific Management. NY: W.W. Norton & company, Inc. 1947 edition.
III. GOVERNMENT MONITORING TRENDS
Here we look at the second question of monitoring and how it seems to us to be leading toward increased levels of government intervention and mandated working and wage conditions. We see French Taylorism action research experiments as a way Nike can proceed which could stem this trend. In either case, research into monitoring that is scientifically conducted is, we think, warranted.
Review - One of the central issues is what is the role of government in such monitoring? How can governments effectively monitor transnational corporate social conduct? Do Codes of Conduct actually help local stakeholders? What will it take to significantly place factories beyond what experts and workers define as sweatshop conditions? Corporations prefer self-monitoring to government approaches. We have also been asked by Academic associations to clarify the role of government in the apparel industry. Table One suggests various options for monitoring global enterprise and subcontractor labor, environment and ethical practices that involve government. The options move from minimal to maximum government and transgovernment (agreements across governments) agreement.
TABLE ONE: SIX LEVELS OF GOVERNMENT INVOLVEMENT ON GLOBAL ENTERPRISE MONITORING
Level 1 - The government takes no formal role in apparel monitoring forums, legislation or research. Monitoring is left to the voluntary action of the global enterprise, its subcontractors, labor unions, workers, and non-governmental organizations.
Level 2 - The government encourages corporations to establish codes of conduct as it did in the case of the Apparel Partnership following public outcry over the apparel industry practices in Indonesia in 1991, Kathy Lee and sweatshops in 1996, and the rise in campus protests over apparel monitoring in the last five years.
Level 3 - The government facilitates forums and research into the myriad of codes between such entities as Apparel Partnership, universities, Fair Labor Association, Workers Rights Consortium, Collegiate Apparel, SA8000, and other organizations with codes. These codes vary according to corporate or non-corporate control and the inclusion or exclusion of areas such as living wage, right of workers to associate, enforcement of local national laws. This would mean establishing research grants for university research into such issues as the viability and effectiveness of codes of conduct, what is a sweatshop, how to measure living wages, and the relationship between the university and organizations such as Fair Labor Association, Workers Rights Consortium, and Collegiate Apparel who offer alternative and different monitoring standards and programs.
Level 4 - The government monitors everything from barbershops, beauticians, and chiropractors. The government could begin to monitor the claims and practices of consulting firms and non-governmental organizations such as Global Alliance, Price Waterhouse Coopers, Fair Labor Association, Workers Rights Consortium, etc. who either offer apparel factory monitoring or certify and recommend those who do or procedures for monitoring the apparel industry. This is done through the establishment of an agency for apparel monitoring of worker rights and environmental accountability.
Level 5 -The government enacts laws that oversee the certification and re-certification of monitoring programs to meet minimum standards for workers rights and environmental accountability.
Level 6 - Transgovernment trade agreements that include ecological, wage, health and safety standards for global enterprises and subcontract factories.
Public protest around the world, on college campuses, in factories, and in the streets of various nations has been a main reason that government has become involved in how global enterprises have begun to behave with more conscience and ethics. A corporate sense of ethics and social accountability that is independent of government action has been a second rationale.
A decade ago few global apparel enterprises had codes of conducts. And having one did not mean that violations of a code were being enforced. In this research we look at the Nike Corporation, the first to adopt a code of conduct and to begin to enforce its standards on some 620 subcontractors in the apparel industry. As Nike, the market leader implemented codes, some, but not all competitors followed the example. The question of enforcing these codes of conduct led to a demand by the public for monitoring of compliance of subcontracting factories with the codes of the global enterprises and with local laws and standards. Several monitoring agents, such as Fair Labor Association and Global Alliance were born by corporate as well as government initiatives to deal with this issue. In addition audit firms such as Ernst and Young and PricewaterhouseCoopers (PWC) became widely involved in auditing compliance of subcontract factories with corporate, university, and other codes of conduct.
There is also a move toward level 5 and 6 government involvement. "Negotiations are now underway to reconcile the House bill (which includes the amendment to bar the IMF and World Bank from mandating user fees [for health services]) and the Senate bill (which does not have that amendment)" as conditions for debt relief (Corporate Watch newsletter, October 10, 2000). Since subcontract employment in debtor nations most times comes without health coverage, anti-sweatshop activists have an incentive to oppose user fees for health care in trade and debtor agreements.
There is a need for basic field research that would assess the level of mandated control necessary to change subcontract factory conditions. To date, global enterprises have agued that they can enact or contract monitoring services that effect such control. Since 1997, a series of studies have challenged the validity and reliability of the monitoring being provided by consulting and auditing firms to the global enterprises. MIT professor Dara O'Rourke has done much of this work. In 1997 O'Rourke released the Ernst and Young audit report to the public media which showed that Nike and its subcontractor was not meeting its code of conduct, was violating labor, health, safety, and ecology laws of the country of Vietnam. Phil Knight, CEO of Nike Corporation responded with a dramatic set of reforms on May 12th, 1998 that included bringing factories up to OSHA health and safety standards, setting a minimum employment age, and inviting four university research initiatives. We are applying to Nike to gain access to a sample of subcontract factories in nations identified in Table Two which would assess the responsible control of Nike as a global enterprise of the monitoring of subcontractor factory conditions.
We believe, even with Nike Corporations 1998 reforms, there is still need for this research. On September 28, 2000, O'Rourke released a study of the PricewaterhouseCoopers (PWC) auditing firm. In this study he critiqued PWC audits in factories in China, Korea, and Indonesia. PWC audits for such apparel firms as Wal-Mart, Disney, the Gap, Jones Apparel, Nike, and even universities that are attempting to verify that campus apparel is not being made in sweatshops by subcontractors not adhering to codes of conduct and violation host country laws. O'Rourke (2000: 1) concludes that PWC's "monitoring methods are significantly flawed. Universities and firms interested in auditing labor conditions in the factories producing their goods should consider other monitoring methods and should demand improvements in current monitoring schemes." Consulting firms such as Global Alliance and auditing firms such as PWC and Ernst and Young may not employ personnel with the requisite scientific expertise to monitor hazardous chemical use, barriers to collective bargaining, violations of local overtime, wage, safety, health and environment laws. In addition monitoring by corporations, paid consultants, and corporate-paid auditing forms introduces the opportunity for methodological bias and challenges that monitoring is not independent of corporate control.
The most recent investigation, conducted by a team of independent consultants, was commissioned by University of California, Harvard University, the University of Notre Dame, Ohio State University and the University of Michigan to help the schools better understand the conditions under which licensed apparel is manufactured. The schools shared the $ 250,000 cost of the yearlong consultant investigation, which concluded that codes of conduct and monitoring is inadequate control in the factories studied. "Fifteen licensees were asked to participate. While companies such as Nike, Champion, JanSport and Adidas-Solomon did get involved, six others did not, including Russell Athletic, Pro Player and Fruit of the Loom" (Schevitz, 2000). Consultants did not specify ownership of individual factories. While findings such as "Visitors found violations in each factory visited, including relatively minor problems in two U.S. plants" (Thompson, 2000: 1) -- are important, we believe that researchers can take a more action research approach to figure out solutions to problems being raised. In addition, while bullet points about various factories are interesting, it takes sound methodology with reliable procedures and detailed analyses to get beyond the current state of research. For example, in this university study, factories were given 72-hour advance notice of the visits and tours were conducted by PWC. Is this sound methodology for eliciting reliable data? Is a brief visit to a factory enough time on task to generate reliable data? As Rick Brimmer, director of trademark and licensing services for Ohio State University, put it, "Any kind of look is just a snapshot of what's going on'' (Thompson, 2000: 1). The report also provides helpful ideas on how to conduct the present project. For example, "smaller companies that subcontract work from large factories are suspected of illegally employing children, the 145- page report states" (Thompson, 2000: 1). (Sources: "Workers sweating for OSU." The Columbus Dispatch, October 11, 2000: p. 1, by Alice Thompson; "Study Says Campus Suppliers Abuse Foreign Workforce" by Tanya Schevitz, San Francisco Chronicle, October 7, 2000).
We are proposing an approach that moves beyond use of "agents" and brief "visits" to monitor factory practices and instead looks at a combination of basic academic research and action research. Calton and Kurland (1996) in their review of the stakeholder concept raise issues about the validity of "agent" approaches to issues involving multiple stakeholders.
- Calton, Jerry M & Nancy B Kurland (1996). "A theory of stakeholder enabling: Giving voice to an emerging postmodern praxis of organizational discourse. Pp. 154-177 in Boje, David M., Gephart, Robert, Jr. and Thatchenkery, Tojo Joseph (Eds.) Postmodern Management and Organization. CA: Sage Publications.
That is there is a difference between an instrumental or Kantian stakeholder theory of the firm which relies on "agents" to decide stakeholder issues and an action research approach in which face-to-face dialogue and negotiation among actual stakeholders occurs. Agent approaches to stakeholders risk becoming an exercise in "stakeholders of the mind." That is, relying upon an auditor, inspector, consultant, government mandates, or even a university researcher to speak for other stakeholders (i.e. workers, government, communities, ecology). We, on the other hand, argue that it is through community conversations and participatory research where workers, management, corporate executives, union, non-governmental and government voices are convened that an empowered stakeholder approach can be enacted. An agent does not empower. Therefore we propose basic research by academics in collaboration with stakeholders that looks at how face-to-face meetings and collaborative research efforts that would include many voices.
Next is a review of issues of objectivity, past work by the study group members, issues of sampling, the four main research questions, and the overall methodology for basic and action research initiatives.
Objectivity - How do we enact findings and experiments that are free from bias? Nietzsche argues that everyone has a bias. Bias is something that occurs in both qualitative and quantitative work (see Kincheloe & McLaren in Handbook of Qualitative Research (hereafter, HQR, p. 165 for more on this point). Every researcher brings their biases into the research setting. In qualitative work there is an active attempt to become self-reflective on bias issues and to look at the setting from multiple points of view. In quantitative work, there is also bias and attempts at objectivity are arrived at through triangulation. To establish objectivity we propose to include the perspectives of researchers from different disciplines and to enlist researchers who have reached positive and negative conclusions in prior studies of Nike Corporation. We also intend to include the voices of workers, managers, government, union, and NGO in the study. There have been studies that have been quite positive about Nike and those that are critical. We will invite study group members from each of the following areas (for list of academic work in the area, see Appendix B).
The notion of `perspective' is I think more relevant than bias. Perspective can account for different positionings in relation to identity politics and experiential background, could serve as a more appropriate framing concept that bias, especially when it comes to the present research topic. In terms of representation, it attracts a far less negative connotation than the word `bias'.
The issue of objectivity is however an important one. As Van de Ven (letter in Appendix E) comments it is what " separates the "wheat from the chaff" among the hotly-contested views of many partisan groups. Of course, there is always the possibility of scholars being seduced to take the position of a partisan interest group, but we know and trust that you and your interdisciplinary colleagues will implement the methods of scientific discourse that prevent this from happening." In order to: establish objectivity, the desired outcome could more productively be re-defined as seeking: balance through diversity in including alternative perspectives and voices. We have therefore included academics who have published and presented work that is more positive and others who are more critical about Nike's monitoring of subcontractor labor practices. We also seek to enact action research that moves from basic research findings to stakeholder dialogue and change.
(1) Review of Academic Work that is Supportive of Nike's Efforts - Positive studies may be viewed by Nike and others as more "objective" since the findings agree with the self-presentation of the Nike Corporation. Mihaly and Massey (1997), for example, supervised Dartmouth MBA students in wage studies in Vietnam and Indonesia that confirmed that Nike pays not only a legal wage, but a living wage that allows employees to put away savings and purchase items such as motorcycles and televisions. Kahle, Boush and Phelps (2000) from the Sports Marketing Department of the University of Oregon in a study of one factory in Vietnam confirmed the positive findings of former Ambassador Andrew Young's visits to three Vietnam factories (he also visited China and Indonesia). The finding was that Nike behaves more ethically than its competitors and there was absolutely no evidence of sweatshop, poverty wage or any other questionable conditions in the factory they toured. Kahle et al (2000) found the pay issue complicated and used descriptive summaries. Clearly more empirical research on pay and living conditions is called for even by studies claiming positive work and environment conditions. We propose to invite these researchers into the current study design. And we propose to include researchers who have drawn negative conclusions (see Appendix B for list of works)/
(2) Review of Additional Academic Research that Raises Concerns - First a brief overview of the Academy of Management All Academy Session where several academics presented concerns about Nike, followed by academic studies raising concerns about Nike Corporation will be presented. These may be questioned as not being "objective" since they disagree with the viewpoint of the Nike Corporation and academic studies with positive findings. Panel member Amanda Tucker of the Nike Corporation responded to concerns of the panel by recommending they and the audience consider recent and more positive academic studies such as, the one above by Kahle, Boush and Phelps (2000).Logsdon and Wood (2000), for example, argue from a business ethics and social responsibility perspective and raised questions about Nike at the Toronto meetings of the Academy of Management meetings (Jeanne Logsdon is past president of the International Association for Business and Society). Boje (2000a, b, c, 1999, 1998a to h) from a narrative and discourse perspective raised critical issues about Nike's ability to effectively monitor its overseas factory conditions. Landrum's (2000a,b) perspective during this session focused on narrative strategy and situates Nike in comparison to Reebok but also presents critical findings concerning the differences between espoused statements in annual reports and actual labor conditions. Work presented at this session by Wells and Greenberg (2000) and Knight and Greenberg (2000) form a political science perspective was critical of the ability of the Fair Labor Association and audit firms such as Price Waterhouse Coopers (PWC) to audit labor conditions effectively. Oakes (2000) from an accounting perspective also raised issues about PWC and Nike's program for monitoring its overseas practices. Amanda Tucker of Nike responded to each critique pointing out the work that Nike is doing to control the issues raised and raised problems with the panelist's conclusions (See Appendix D for a list of the Academy of Management "Time and Nike" presentations).
There is other research beyond the Toronto Academy of Management session that has raised concerns. For example, Carty's (1999) is the perspective of a sociologist, who looks at the relationship between Nike's postmodern culture strategies to effect brand popularity and its post-industrial subcontracting practices. Carty's work extends a line of inquiry by Gereffi and Korzeniewicz (1990), Korzeniewicz (1994), and Donaghu and Barff (1990) into global commodity chains, which has also taken a critical perspective on Nike. She is critical of both the Andrew Young and the Mihaly and Massey (1997) studies for various research method shortcomings (These range from use of Nike translators, pre-arranged factory tours, relying on factory wage statistics, to not doing interviews away from the managers' gaze). Boje (2000b) has critiqued Kahle, Boush and Phelps (2000) for repeating the same research method flaws in their study. Barry (1999) also looks at strategic and narrative discourse of Nike and has come to critical conclusions. Anita Chan's (1996, 1998, 1999 with Chen Meei-shia) perspective contextualizes Nike within the entire athletic apparel industry operating in China. Her perspective has been critical but also suggests that Nike is no worse than other athletic apparel manufacturers. Cole's (1995 with Amy Hribar, 1996, 1997) perspective situates Nike advertising claims and postmodern consumption within the African-American community in the US. She has been critical of the relationship between Nike advertising and inner city violence perpetrated to acquire Nike and Reebok shoes. Venkatesh (1999) from a marketing perspective has also drawn critical conclusions about Nike's advertised claims. Hancock's (1996, 1997) perspective is more ethnographic, doing extended field visits to two factories in Indonesia. His research has been critical of Nike for closing the better of two factories that exhibited, in his view, sweatshop conditions and paid less than livable wages. From an accounting perspective, Macintosh, Shearer, Thornton and Welker (1997), and Oakes, Townley, Chwastiak ( 1997) have raised critical issues about Nike's and PWC's auditing research methodology of its overseas subcontract factory operations. O'Rourke (2000) has just completed the first known study of PWC auditing practices and raises concerns with the reliability and validity of their methodology. Finally, in the most recently published journal article Stabile (2000) from a communication studies perspective has reviewed Nike's rhetoric in its press releases, web sites, and speech making, and reached critical conclusions (see Appendix B for list of works).
In sum, to control for objectivity and bias, we propose to include researchers on the study team who have previously drawn positive and negative conclusions. We will also include team members who have had no prior research experience with Nike Corporation. Finally, we believe that there are action research opportunities here and have invited academics with skills in facilitative groups with differing perspectives and views so that we might offer round table forums involving not only academics of differing views but also subcontract factory owners and managers, government representatives, unions, NGOs, workers, Nike executives, and other stakeholders. In this way we propose to do more than research the questions raised, but create forums for dialogue and concerted experimentation that will lead to positive change.
V. PAST ACADEMIC WORK OF STUDY GROUP MEMBERS
Past academic work of the study team members (See example by Boje, Study Group members will provide similar listings) and Appendix A, Appendix B and Appendix D list known available academic work on Nike Corporation. These people will be contacted about being included on the study team. Those listed after each research question, have confirmed their intent to participate either in the design of the methods, report writing, facilitating dialogue, or actually going to third world nations to conduct basic research. Our aim is to include people from a wide range of disciplines, accounting, communication, marketing, management, and anthropology, and other areas. And to include people who are new to the study of Nike Corporation.
The subject of the research is to explore and where possible confirm or disconfirm four research areas that are developed in the research questions listed below.
How has Nike enacted its espoused Code of Conduct over time? This study group will focus on monitoring studies by PWC, FLA, and Global Alliance, as well as studies that support and question their methods and findings.
Does Nike pay a living wage? This study group will sample subcontract factory workers, review factory payroll records, and collect data that will measure and validate various living wage formula. In addition we are proposing action research experiments that would implement and test various wage-payment schemes in a sample of factories across nations identified in Table Two.
Does Nike subcontract with "sweatshops"? This study group will look at definitions of sweatshops and measure said variables in a sample of subcontract factories. In addition, they will propose and conduct action research experiments that test what we described in our review as forms of French Taylorism. This way a sample of existing subcontract firms can be compared with the experimental options.
What is the relationship between Fair Labor Association (FLA) and Workers Rights Consortium (WRC)? This study group will focus on the monitoring efforts of FLA and WRC by sampling colleges and universities with and without FLA and/or WRC agreements.
The main study group had already divided into sub-groups to pursue each research question. The first three questions involve travel to factories and specific experiments to be decided by each team. The fourth question does not involve travel to third world factories.
Experts - Each study group will work with country experts that will serve as advisors in issues of sampling, experiment, translation, and other research design issues. Professor Anita Chan is an internationally recognized expert in China and the athletic apparel industry. We are also inviting Professor Pun Ngai, a Hong Kong Chinese sociologist who knows a lot about factories to join, and she is interested. There are also other experts like Tim Connor and Peter Hancock (Indonesia), Junya Yimprasert (Thailand) and we are seeking a Vietnam expert..
Dr. Anita Chan
Senior Research Fellow
Australian Research Council
Contemporary China Centre
9 Liversidge Street
Australian National University
Canberra 0200 Australia
Tel. (61) 2 62494260
Fax (61) 2 62573642 Anita Chan is an expert in the athletic apparel industry in China. Her work is cited in Appendix A and Appendix B.
Dr Peter Hancock
Registrar & Director
West Coast Institute of Management and Technology
251 Adelaide Terrace - Level One
Perth WA 6000
mobile 0412 148 575
Ph 61 08 9225 4121
Fax 61 08 9225 4120
email phancock66@hotmail.com
email registrar@westcoastinstitute.com.au
His work is cited in Appendix B
Tim Connor, BA, LLB
Doctoral Candidate,
School of Geosciences,
University of Newcastle,
Australia.
Address: 55 Wells Street, Redfern NSW 2016 Australia
Phone: 61 2 9698 2394
email: tconnor@nlc.net.au His statement and work is listed in Appendix A.
Dr. Pun Ngai" npun@hkucc.hku.hk I would be very happy to work with you all, and thank you for listing me as a country expert.
Thanks,
Pun Ngai
Junya Yimprasert "Lep" jyimprasert@access.inet.co.th
Phone: + 66 1 617 5491, +66 2 692 7963 Fax: +66 2 692 7963
Her experiences and publications concern codes of conduct practices are:
Human Rights Coordinator for Reebok Company, Thailand officer, January - May 1998
"Can Corporate Codes of Conduct Promote Labour Standards? Evidence from Thai Footwear and Apparel Industries." with co-author Christopher Candland ccandlan@wellesley.edu .
"Lian Thai workers and the Global Alliance," produced for Clean Clothes Campaign (8 September 2000) http://www.cleanclothes.org/companies/nike00-09-15-1.htm
"Taiwan shoe's makers - Thai workers," produced for Jeff Ballinger, this is on Nike factory- Pou Chen
Sampling - There are several alternative we now present for Nike to provide its feedback. The ideal situation is for Nike Corporation to provide a complete list of subcontractors and we do the picking using a stratified random sampling design. A second choice would be for us to provide the sampling criteria and Nike to draw the sample. A third choice is to contact local NGOs in the countries identified in Table Two and grant us access to a set of factories we propose. Before proceeding with the design, we need to know which option Nike will allow.
Next is the issue of which countries to sample factories from. At a minimum, we assume that China, Indonesia, Vietnam, Thailand, South Korea and Taiwan will likely be selected for study. They are the main Nike subcontractors. The reason why we suggest Taiwan is that Anita Chan visited both the Pouchen and Fengtai factories two years ago. Nike still has a few production lines in Taiwan to make special sneakers and to try out new models; R and D is done in Taiwan, not in Oregon. We will need to seek out an expert for Thailand and South Korea. Thailand production lines have OSHA labels and warning at each work station. It will be interesting to do a comparative time study and organization study between the parent factories and their factories in other countries. Each study group will make sampling recommendations and may well want to expand the sample to include Central America and Mexico.
Carty (1999) and Korzeniewicz (1992, 1994) have suggested that Nike operates a complex and stratified, three-tier system of global subcontracting for its athletic footwear based upon the technology in use. We have extended the idea by including garment manufacturing subcontractors along with the athletic footwear factories (refer to Table Two).
In Tier one is the most advanced subcontractor production technology, tier operates volume production. Taiwan and South Korea, for example, represent the "developed partners" of Nike use flexible manufacturing processes and are designated as producers of Nike's most expensive and sophisticated styles; they in turn subcontract to tiers two and three (Carty, 1999: 187). Tier two includes China and Indonesia who use less flexible manufacturing with large volume production runs of standardized products. Tier three are subcontract factories that are the "developing" sources, such as Vietnam and Thailand and consisted of more recently formed partnerships where the cheapest labor is utilized. Our hypothesis is that factory conditions vary significantly across the three tiers.
Table Two: Three-Tier System of Nike Subcontractors and their Technology
NIKE TIERS NATIONS Tier One (semi-periphery -- most expensive shoes, high level of
technology, very flexible)
South Korea*
Taiwan*
Italy
Canada
PortugalTier Two (semi-periphery/periphery -- volume production) Indonesia*
China*
Mexico
BrazilTier Three (periphery -- the developing sources that produce for Nike) Vietnam*
Thailand*
Bangladesh
India
Malaysia
El Salvador
Guatemala
Honduras
Dominican Republic
Philippines
Sri Lanka
BulgariaKEY * is country we intend to randomly sample subcontract factories for research and experimentation. The sample design for the fourth study subgroup looking at universities will include U.S., Canadian, European, and Australian universities that are members of (a) Fair Labor Association, (b) Workers Rights Consortium, (c) both, and for control (d) neither. The exact number and name of each university to be included will be worked out in the subgroup meetings just identified.
The specification of the exact number of factories and universities will depend on which proposed sampling option Nike elects. We intend to finalize the design for the sampling and the action research experiments by convening the four study groups and invited stakeholders to the meeting of the International Academy of Business Disciplines in April, 2001 and the Academy of Management professional workshop meetings (see methodology section below) that meets in August, 2001 in Washington D.C. We have been approved for both actions. We are also organizing subgroup meetings in Europe, Australia and Asia (and are waiting on responses from various associations that are granting us spaces and times to meet and present). In short, since the team comes form all areas of the world, we want to provide venues that allow affordable travel. This is important since each study group member is seeking university and foundation funds for this project.
In the next section four basic research questions are presented. Code of conduct, living wage, what is and is not a sweatshop, and the choice among FLA and WRC for universities is assumed to constitute the core issues of the question of monitoring.
Research Question 1: How has Nike enacted its espoused Code of Conduct over time?
This study group will focus on monitoring studies by PWC, FLA, and Global Alliance, as well as studies that support and question their methods and findings.
Improvements for Nike's workers have been realized (more or less) over time as various social movements, as well as Nike's staff have put pressure on subcontract factory management to make Codes meaningful and enforceable. The question here, for example, is how is it that workers come to know the implications of Nike Code of Conduct, beyond (in China) a packet that is tied about their necks (in some locations).
There seem to be two
sub-research questions. The first (and most is around the social
construction of the concept of "code of conduct." It
seems to be taken as read that the concept is unproblematic
outside the Anglo-American context - but what are the competing
ways of understanding something like compliance, what are the
divergent understandings of "code or "conduct"
across the stakeholders, what are the assumptions concerning
'proper' conduct as used by workers, government, history, PWC,
Global Alliance, Nike, the factory managers etc? One of the
interesting research questions is around "agency,"
especially in terms of who has a say in the code, what sort of
"say", etc.
The second research project seems to be centered on the idea of
thinking about systems of monitoring and transferability across
industries, work forces and countries and about models of
inspection. Dara O'Rourke's (2000) recent study (September 28th)
review of PricewaterhouseCoopers (PWC) monitoring practices in
factories in China, Korea, and Indonesia has implications for this
research question (only Indonesia was a Nike factory). In
accompanying audits from PWC on their inspections, O'Rourke
concludes that "auditors conducted very limited inspections
of health and safely conditions in the factories" and that
"factory inspection repots PwC produced did not convey an
accurate picture of the conditions in these factories." In
particular "reports are so condensed that they miss major
issues and plant a false impression of a factory's compliance with
local laws" (p. 1). This is the first systematic analysis of
PWC monitoring methods which are used to audit Nike and other
apparel industry subcontractor compliance with codes of conduct.
Auditors failed to note:
Hazardous chemical use and other serious health and safety problems (at the Nike factory, i.e. the use ob Benzol, a chemical that prohibited by Nike's Code and Corporate policy, excessive noise levels, inadequate ventilation, failures to post safety signs in Indonesian language, and lack of safety guards on machines);
THE FOLLOWING ARE ITEMS NOTED IN NON-NIKE FACTORIES
Barriers to freedom of association and collective bargaining;
Violations of overtime laws;
Violations of wage laws;
Timecards that appeared to be falsified.
On the other side of the coin, Kahle, Boush and Phelps (2000) inspection of a Nike subcontract factory in Vietnam, found no instances of violations of Nike's Code of Conduct and confirmed the findings of the Andrew Young study conducted in 1997. Kahle et al (2000) review Nike and its code compliance on three ethic theories and find that Nike exceeds compliance. There is therefore a need for more research.
This study group will look at how the Code of Conduct and its implementation have occurred historically. This study will critically examine the history of negotiations over the commitments embodied in the code, the process by which these commitments have been communicated to stakeholders within and outside of the company, and how conduct is and could more effectively be monitored to promote compliance with this code." The assumption is that codes and their implementation as processual phenomena that involve negotiation, communication and changes in attitudes and behavior, as well as the implementation of formal systems.
Code of conduct research includes the possibility of social and ecological audits/impact assessments of Nike's operations in certain countries. Nike in 1998 began to implement ISO14000 environmental standards in its subcontract factories and is in the process of obtaining ISO certification. Such audits could be extremely participatory in nature and provide contexts for stakeholder, particularly marginalized groups, involvement. An alliance building frame will be important in that it will facilitate openings for Nike's Management to participate in such processes. Such involvement will enable, hopefully, in generating operational guidelines for reframe.
There is also an important question about comparison. As a pilot process, could this study group develop a methodology for doing similar work at other companies and on other codification processes and policy commitments in the future. In this context, the relevant literature review will need to be much broader, that is comparing Nike with other companies (e.g. Landrum, 2000 who contrasted Nike and Reebok's annual report statements).
This study group will examine the current ways Nike and PWC as well as FLA and Global Alliance attests to subcontractor compliance with Nike's Code of Conduct. The group will also look at the effectiveness of training of factory managers and factory workers in the Code of Conduct. PWC does 6,000 factory inspections a year and is the world's leader (Greenhouse, 2000). FLA is still developing their inspection protocol, and Global Alliance has released its first reports.
Finally, the history here is
important. The Nike code of conduct (at least Nike's
implementation of it). Nike's code is said to be the result of the
State Department's 1992 Human Rights Report to the U.S. Congress,
concerning on shoe manufacturing practices in Indonesia. Some
contend that it was in response to this congress investigation,
Nike crafted its code of conduct, and then joined the Apparel
Partnership (Ballinger & Olsson, 1997: 12). Nike subsequently
joined Clinton's Apparel Partnership (formed after the Kathy Lee
Gifford sweatshop story became international news).
An important member of this study group is the workers of
Nike. Global Alliance (funded by Nike and Mattel) is running
well publicized focus groups and interviews with thousands of
Asian workers. We think it is important to include workers
as well as factory managers in the study of how Nike enacts its
Code of Conduct. Including the voice of the workers, while
essential, must also be done with great care. In the past
there have been workers who have been fired and otherwise
disciplined for participating in studies and media reporting on
Nike factories (See Miss
Lap Nguyen). Study group members such as Robert Kreisher (and
others) have experience in similar types of risks and are used to
making sure that "informants" cannot be identified from
any published material.
The group will present its findings and make recommendations for improvements.
Subgroup 1 Volunteers to date (Name links take you to their statements):
Angana P. Chatterji, Ph.D. Angana@aol.com (Subgroup 1 coordinator)
Professor, Social and Cultural Anthropology
California Institute of Integral Studies, San Francisco
Director of Research, Asia Forest Network Program
Center for Southeast Asia Studies
University of California, BerkeleyTim Connor, BA, LLB
Doctoral Candidate,
School of Geosciences,
University of Newcastle,
Australia.
Address: 55 Wells Street, Redfern NSW 2016 Australia
Phone: 61 2 9698 2394
email: tconnor@nlc.net.auLinda Perriton email rooster@cabsav.demon.co.uk
Lecturer, Centre for Management,
University of York
Heslington UK
YORK YO10 5DDRobert D. Kreisher rkreishe@chuma.cas.usf.edu
Doctoral Candidate, Department of Communication
(813)974-2145
And Office of Diversity Initiatives
(813)974-9195
University of South Florida
4202 E. Fowler Ave. CIS 1040
Tampa, FL 33620Mary Boyce, Ph.D. -- boyce@jasper.uor.edu University of Redlands, CA. I am just beginning work on a research project aimed at examining the internal organizational dialogue of executives of multinational corporations as they determine how involved to become in an emerging democracy with a transitional economy. Mary is sending her statement and her relevant publications.
Professor Usha C. V. Haley, Ph.D. alamo@compuserve.com
Associate Professor, School of Management
University of Tennessee at Knoxville.Graham Knight Ph.D. knightg@mcmail.mcmaster.ca
McMaster University
Department of Sociology
1280 Main Street West
Hamilton, Ontario, Canada
L8S 4M4
905-525-9140 x24481 (Voice)
905-522-2642 (Fax)
knightg@mcmail.mcmaster.ca Marilyn Slaughter, MA International Affairs (added to Subgroup February 22, 2001)Washington University at St. LouisE-mail: marilynslaughter@netscape.net"I have studied and researched labor issues in Asia for many years, particularly migrant women workers who work for foreign companies in urban areas and special economic zones. However, most of my research has focused on China's labor issues which resulted in a Master thesis titled: Search for Equality: Chinese Women Factory Workers. Previously, I studied U.S. factory workers and their contribution to building America but with the wave of globalization in the 1980s and 1990s, my interest followed manufacturers overseas to observe how they would try to transform a workforce in another culture to meet their production demands. While studying in China, I had the opportunity to tour and see first hand the factory operations of several European and American textile, computer, electronics and pharmaceutical factories."
The following NGO study reports and media reports on the issue have been suggested by readers of this proposal:
Cruel Treatment Working for Nike in Indonesia Urban Community Mission Survey Report, December 1999 Source: Press For Change Jeff Ballinger Jeffrey_Ballinger/FS/KSG%KSG@harvard.edu
Dara O'Rourke, a professor of environmental and labor policy at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology reported that "PwC's monitoring efforts are significantly flawed," said Dr. O'Rourke, "PwC's audit reports glossed over problems of freedom of association and collective bargaining, overlooked serious violations of health and safety standards, and failed to report common problems in wages and hours." On the other hand, ..."Pricewaterhouse officials defended their monitoring, saying their inspectors often uncover violations of minimum wage, overtime and safety laws. But these officials acknowledged that the firm's inspectors occasionally missed things that an expert on industrial hygiene, like Professor O'Rourke, would uncover" (Source Stephen Greenhouse "Report Says Global Accounting Firm Overlooks Factory Abuses" New York Times, September 28, 2000). To download entire report using ADOBE see http://web.mit.edu/dorourke/www/PDF/pwc.pdf
The article looks at the auditing practices of PWC for Wal-Mart, Timberland, New Balance, and Nike. The implication is that "auditing systems can miss serious problems -- and that self-policing allows companies to avoid painful public relations about them." And therefore a study of self-monitoring, PWC, FLA and other monitoring systems is needed. "While no company suggests that its auditing systems are perfect, most say they catch major abuses and either force suppliers to fix them or yank production." (Source: Roberts, Dexter & Bernstein, Aaron "A Life of Fines and beatings," Business Week, October 2, 2000 pp. 123-128).
Report Says Global Accounting Firm Overlooks Factory Abuses. New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/2000/09/28/business/28SWEA.html September 28, 2000 By STEVEN GREENHOUSE
Research Question 2: Does Nike pay a living wage?
This study group will sample subcontract factory workers, review factory payroll records, and collect data that will measure and validate various living wage formula. They will also propose action research experiments in alternative wage systems.
Is a living wage too subjective to measure? Is the legal minimum wage enough to cover living costs? Finally, is there a reliable and valid method to measure living wage? There is a need to begin testing and calculating the Living Wage Formulae (See one Methodology for Calculating Living Wage proposed by Sweatshop Watch).

Mihaly and Massey (1997) in an Amos Tuck business school study of wages in Indonesia and Vietnam have suggested a different calculation. This study group would review the available calculation methods, propose a methodology to test various methods using wage data collected on a sample of Nike third world factories. The group will propose a maximum possible set of factories and a reliable and valid sample of works' wage reports to study. At issue is deciding whether to interview workers about their wages and living expenses. Mihaly and Massey's (1997) MBA study group argued that interviewing workers would lead to biased results. Others (Boje (1998a, Carty, 1999) contend that interviewing workers is absolutely necessary. The study group could contrast both approaches.
There are country differences
that need to be study. For example, in Indonesia, is Rp 10,000
(about US$1.20) per day is simply not a living wage for a human
being to survive. The situation of workers in Indonesia is
considered by most previous studies to be the worst, China comes
next, then comes Vietnam. The situation is El Salvador and
Honduras is also critical. Nike workers paid at the minimum
wage rate in Vietnam may not bad by Vietnamese standard, but in
Indonesia it does seem workers can barely survive. Academics and
others may debate the relative ranking of survivability, but the
point is that country comparisons are necessary.
If we evaluate working conditions just on wages, with regard to
Indonesia, the government itself admits that the regional legal
minimum wages are too low to meet the basic needs of a single
adult. Nike's garment suppliers are only required to pay the legal
minimum and the sport shoe suppliers are required by Nike to pay
slightly more. However, workers in the sport shoe factories are
paid for overtime, so when they work a lot of overtime they can
earn wages which cover their needs, although still not enough to
meet the needs of a family.
In terms of China, it seems that the shoe factories are paying the legal minimum (but this is achieved only by working overtime more than the legally allowed maximum). It is less clear, what the garment factories producing for Nike are doing. Generally, Nike seems to pay a lot more attention to whether sport shoe suppliers keep local wage laws than it does with garment suppliers. In US dollar terms, Chinese legal minimum wages are certainly higher than Indonesian legal minimum wages (in the order of 40% higher), although of course this doesn't tell us how much workers can buy with those wages.
For wages in Vietnam the
question is can workers meet their basic needs? The only wage
analyses we've seen on Vietnam is the Dartmouth (Amos Tuck) study
(which was and work that Ruth Rosenbaum did in 1998, which
suggested that wages paid in Nike contract factories were
inadequate to meet basic needs.
There is also a need to study the relationship between third world
governments and minimum wage levels set to attract corporate
investment. Nike has factories in over 30 nations, and sets the
wage rate at or slightly above the minimum allowable by each
government. The question is can workers live on such wages? In
addition, in assessing wage issues, can one be attentive to
well-being and capability models rather then
subsistence?
It is essential to involve workers in the study of their wage, overtime, and benefit systems. This is a basic tenet of action research approaches to this problem. Again, we intend to propose and implement alternative wage systems that can be scientifically compared. Nike in cooperation with Global Alliance, has allowed workers to participate in focus groups and interviews before, but we would like the work to be done by academics instead of paid consultants. Global Alliance is a consulting firm, not an academic research operation. We would also like to have access to samples of workers to review worker perceptions of their wage and overtime situation. And a sample of factories where we could propose and collaboratively implement alternative wage systems. In the past, Nike has stressed the importance of checking worker self-report data against company records. This is a necessary step, but we want to go beyond this, end enter into active field experiments. The French Taylorism and even the original version of Taylorism that included differential piece-rate systems seems to us a reasonable approach to try.
The study group will decide the
particulars of the methodology, run the study and any action
research experiments, and make its recommendations and
findings.
Study Group 2Volunteers to date (Click on the name link to go to their statement and list of publications):
Shawn
M. Carraher, Ph. D. email: Shawn_Carraher@tamu-commerce.edu
(Has volunteered as subgroup coordinator)
Professor of Management & Global Entrepreneurship
Texas A & M University - Commerce
Anita
Chan, Ph.D. anita@coombs.anu.edu.au
Senior Research Fellow
Australian Research Council
Contemporary China Centre
9 Liversidge Street
Australian National University
Canberra 0200 Australia
Tel. (61) 2 62494260
Fax (61) 2 62573642 Anita Chan is an expert in the
athletic apparel industry in China. Her work is
cited in Appendix A and Appendix
B.
George Watson, PhD
email watsong@stjohns.edu;
gwatson01@aol.com
(Has volunteered as subgroup coordinator)
Department of Management
St. John's University
(On Leave)
Current mailing address:
10416 Greenmont Drive
Tampa, Florida 33626
813-792-1430
727-553-1024
gwatson01@aol.com
(willing to help with quantitative and qualitative
research design issues).
Nancy
E. Landrum, Ph.D. n.landrum@morehead-st.edu
Assistant Professor
Morehead State University
website: http://web.nmsu.edu/~nlandrum
Nancy's research on Nike is listed in Appendix
B and in her statement.
Her dissertation was a comparison of Nike and Reebok.
Carolyn L. Gardner,
ABD. wzygardner@yahoo.com
Assistant Professor
School of Business
New Mexico Highlands University
Las Vegas, NM
87701
505-454-3118
Items Recommended for Review by study Group 2:
Ballinger, Jeff replying to this proposal, sent in this article on 16 September, 2000 Nike: American dream on RI sweat from Jakarta news.
The
Olympic Living Wage Project - The Olympic Living Wage
Project, sponsored by Press
for Change, and done in collaboration with the
Nicaraguan Solidarity Committee, NikeWatch,
and Call to Action USA,
is an international human rights project focusing on the
lives of sweatshop workers in Nike’s Indonesian shoe
factories. The Project sets out what it takes to live on
Indonesian wages at a Nike factory See http://www.nikewages.org/addressing.html
Research Question 3: Does Nike subcontract with sweatshops?
This study group will look at definitions of sweatshops and measure said variables in a sample of subcontract factories. It will also propose and implement action research experiments in alternative conditions. To us, it is critical to demonstrate experiments that prove to subcontract managers that "extreme" forms of Taylorism are both unproductive and unnecessary (See review of French Taylorism above). A critical question is just how do we define "extreme Taylorism (see above) and what is a sweatshop?
The US General Accounting Office defines a sweatshop as a business that regularly violates wage, child labor, health and/or safety laws. There are other definitions this study group would explore. Some include young adults who work in sweatshops, not just in the third world, but in major metropolitan cities in late capitalist economies.
This study group would determine a working definition of "sweatshop" and set out to establish if Nike has any sweatshops. A sample of factories in the U.S., Canada, Australia, and a number of Third World nations would be decided upon. No study of what is or is not a sweatshop would be complete without hearing the voice of the workers. There are essential cultural differences in what people in various countries experience as acceptable working conditions. In short, inclusion of workers is essential to this question.
Technically answering the sweatshop question would require that the population of Nike's 620 subcontract factories be sampled. This will require the cooperation of Nike Corporation since less than 50 factory locations have yet to be disclosed. The size of the sample will be determined in face-to-face meetings of the study groups (where we can coordinate sampling requirements). For example, this study group needs to coordinate its action research experiment sites with those of the previous study group looking at wage systems.
The research opportunities for basic and action experiments include:
1) Comparing manager versus worker perceptions of sweatshops. Hancock (2000), for example found that 40% of a sample of 323 women working in Indonesian foreign-managed sports shoe, textile, or garment factories believed their status had improved as a result of factory work.
The remaining 60 per cent believed that their household status had not changed. Of the women who claimed to see a positive improvement in their status, roughly 45 per cent stated that this was predominantly due to their new wage contributions to their family. The remaining 55 per cent claimed tit was due to the fact that they were not in the home all the time and, therefore, not confined to household duties and constant parental control (p. 8).
Being at home also means the young women are under constant surveillance of other members of their communities. Using oral histories, focus group and ethnographic methods, Hancock "factory employment has acted as a catalyst, and most women saw the opportunity it provided them compare to very limited opportunities in the agricultural or trading sectors" (p. 7). The point is comparing manager, worker, and even outsider definitions of what is and is not a sweatshop will reveal the complexity of this research question.
2) Based on the definition of sweatshop it seems important to examine the incidence of regulatory violations/complaints in each facility. There are government and union records in some locations as well as NGO and corporate audit reports that detail regulatory violations. There are allegations of forced overtime, unsafe working conditions, excessive noise, inadequate ventilation, confiscation of identity cards, wage cheating, wages set below the minimum legal wage, termination for being pregnant, terminations for being over twenty-four years old, illegal one month wage deposits, and illegal deductions from pay checks for infractions such as talking, breaking a sewing needle, or a machine that is down for repair (through no fault of the worker). The research question is to establish the validity of such complaints and to examine the type of factory and locations, if any such violations are found to recur.
3)Compare to other industries where sweatshops are purported to operate, such as a sample of factories in making non-apparel items. It was also suggested this group look at "white collar" sweatshop such as call centers to see if similar patterns emerge.
4) Incorporate the